祁夫潤專欄 - 民主-日本在無意間留給台灣的遺產
文章來源：媒抗--stone
http://www.socialforce.org/phpBB/viewtopic.php?t=10453
祁夫潤博士照片連結：
http://albums.tomoro.net/Jerome/228/lowres/05450004_lr.jpg
Democracy: Japan's Unexpected Legacy to Taiwan
民主-日本在無意間留給台灣的遺產
by Jerome F. Keating 作者﹕祁夫潤博士
網址﹕
http://www.taiwanho.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=217&mode=thread&order=0&thold=0
譯者注﹕原文智慧財產權屬祁夫潤 Jerome F. Keating 博士. 祁夫潤 -
作家兼教育學者並台灣女婿。已在台生活長達16年之久。
書籍著作包括與April C.J. Lin 林呈蓉博士合著的
”激流中的島嶼- 實例研讀台灣錯綜複雜的歷史“
(Island in the Stream, a Quick Case Study of Taiwan’s Complex History)。
本文乃其評論台灣政治與2004總統大選系列的中文翻譯第一篇。
其文章系列可見﹕http://zen.sandiego.edu:8080/Jerome
祁夫潤先生很慷慨的允許石頭翻譯他所有有關台灣的文章。
我打算在外電園地特別為他開個專欄 (Keating’s Corner)﹐ 以分享大家。
原文:
Hello Kitty, rock stars, comic books, fashion trends, you name it,
and Taiwanese youth are entranced with things Japanese.
Lost in all this glitter, however,
is the much more valuable and often overlooked legacy from the past,
democracy.
凱蒂貓﹐搖滾樂明星﹐漫畫書﹐時尚走向﹐怎麼看都可說台灣青少年非常哈日。
然而﹐埋藏在如此璀燦光華裡﹐往往被人忽視的﹐
卻是一段來自過去﹐更具價值的民主傳承。
Democracy in Taiwan? Most point to the Kaohsiung Incident (1979) as
the pivotal point in Taiwan‘s democratic movement and rightly so.
At that time, those outside the party (the tangwai) protested for
their rights of democratic expression and participation against
the one party governmental monopoly of the Kuomintang (KMT).
They were arrested, tried in kangaroo courts and jailed for their efforts
but the doors of democracy were being forced open.
The free democratic elections of 1996 would still be a long way off,
but the outside world was finally beginning to realize
the reality of the struggle in Taiwan.
只要一提到台灣的民主﹐大家通常會以1979年的高雄事件為台灣民主運動的轉捩點﹐
果其然也。當時黨外為了爭取民主訴求與政治參與權﹐與一黨專政的國民黨抗爭。
他們被捕﹐被非法亂判﹐進而坐監﹐ 可是民主的大門卻也因此而被迫開啟。
當然﹐從那時起一直到1996年才有自由而民主的選舉﹐
這一段路終究還是走得長夜漫漫路迢遙﹐然而也讓外界終於開始了解到台灣奮鬥的真相。
Taiwan’s roots in democracy, however, go back much further,
back beyond the start of Martial Law in 1949 and even beyond the infamous
2-28 Incident in 1947. The pursuit of democracy,
free expression and representative participation had already been present
in Taiwan in the late 19th century.
可是要探尋台灣民主的根源﹐ 卻必須更往前推﹐
不只要超越在1949年開始的戒嚴法﹐還要越過1947年惡名昭彰的二二八事件。
台灣早在19世紀末就已開始追求民主制度﹐言論自由及代議政治了。
In a broad sense one might make the case that Taiwan had always
been a haven for those fleeing oppressive regimes whether from
the Mainland or elsewhere. For centuries as this island fell under
the flags of numerous countries, Taiwan took in all types,
including pirates, entrepreneurs, and drifters as well as
industrious people seeking a new start and a chance for a better life.
The sense of Taiwanese consciousness and democracy, however,
would come from the Japanese era.
廣義言之﹐無論來自大陸或它處﹐台灣自古就可說是逃避鴉霸政權者的避難所。
幾世紀來﹐台灣受人征服﹐所掛過的國旗跟本就數不勝數﹐
無論是海盜商人飄搖游民或勤勉努力的人都好﹐
凡是想重新開始尋求一個更美好的生活機會的人﹐台灣一向是照單全收。
然而所謂台灣意識與民主的覺醒﹐卻肇基於日本時代。
Indirectly this Taiwanese consciousness began when the people
slowly realized that the only ones who would really care for them would
have to be themselves. When the Manchu Qing Empire lost its 1894-5 war
with Japan, the people of Taiwan woke to learn from outside sources that
they had been cast off like a stepchild along with the Pescadores (Penghu)
and the Liaotung Peninsula to appease the victorious Japanese.
Incensed they decided that if others would not help them,
they would have to seek their own destiny.
台灣人逐漸明瞭到世界上除了他們自己以外﹐再無他人可依賴﹐
這種心態間接促進了台灣意識的覺醒。
在清帝國於1894-1895年日清戰爭中打了敗仗以後﹐ 台灣人什麼警告都沒有﹐
一覺醒來才發現自己就像個爹不疼娘不愛的拖油瓶﹐
已經跟著澎湖及遼東半島一起被丟出去以饗戰勝的日本人。
他們氣壞了﹐ 既然沒人相助﹐ 不如自覓前程。
Up until that time the Hoklo, Hakka, and aborigines had fought for
land among themselves and the Qing masters had maintained power over
the western half of the island by playing one group against the other.
This new outside threat made them see that they must fight together.
直到當時﹐閩客與原住民一向為了爭奪土地而互相攻伐﹐
而滿清主子也一直藉挑撥族群以維繫其在臺島西部的權力。
現在面對外來的新威脅﹐ 他們方才覺悟到非合作對外不可。
The Republic of Taiwan was formed in 1895 with its own flag,
stamps and laws. To be sure there were mixed motivations and
mixed ambitions of all those involved.
The fat cat leaders who felt their bread was buttered by playing up to
the Qing government fled to China at the first signs of the Japanese.
The common people, however, who had a greater attachment to their land
kept up the fight against the far more experienced and far better equipped
Japanese army.
台灣共和國在1895年成立﹐旗幟郵票與法令兼備。
當然參與其事者並非完全毫無異心。
那些作威作福的領袖﹐一向就對清廷馬首是瞻﹐
一見日人立刻拔腿開溜逃回中國。
然而對土地懷有深厚感情的尋常大眾﹐面對著經驗十足裝備精良的日軍﹐
卻反而持久不斷的進行抗爭。
Naturally the Japanese won, but surprisingly they still gave any citizens who
wished, two years to decide on whether to stay in Japan’s new colony or
to return to China. Interestingly enough,
few takers (less than 1 % of the population) chose to go back to China.
最後日本人當然贏了﹐不過令人驚訝的是他們仍然同意給每個公民兩年的時間來決定﹐
到底要待在日本的新殖民地呢﹐還是要回歸中國。
很有趣的是居然只有極少數人(少於全人口的1%)選擇回歸中國。
At this point it is important to step back and see the clear
democratic movement that had already been developing in Japan.
Under the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912),
Japan had begun in its own unified effort at westernization.
講到這裡﹐我們不能不回頭探索一下此時在日本早已生根發芽的新民主運動。
日本在明治維新(1868-1912)時期就已開始全面西化。
The Japanese had chosen to follow the German and Austrian model of
Parliament where the Monarch (Emperor for the Japanese) maintained great power.
They had two parties and a cabinet system of government in the 1880s.
By February 11, 1889 they had drawn up a Constitution
(the Emperor’s gift to the people).
The First Diet with a House of Peers and House of Representatives
was elected and convened in 1890.
The democratic experiment was on its way some time before Taiwan
became a part of the Japanese Empire.
日本人在國會上選擇德奧路線﹐皇室(日本天皇) 保有極大的權威。
在1880年代﹐他們走的是兩黨政治﹐並有內閣政府。
到了1889年2月11日﹐已經立了憲法﹐ 這是天皇送給人民的一個大禮。
包括了上議院與下議院的初期國會在1890年已完成選舉並開始運作。
在台灣成為日本帝國成員之前﹐其民主實驗早已開始。
With the acquisition of Taiwan in 1895,
Japan sought to also have a model colony to showcase to the west.
Ten years later by 1905, Taiwan had become Japan’s most valuable colony.
Unlike under the Qing Dynasty where improvements were always
“too little, too late”
and each reform governor would leave before anything lasting or
substantial was accomplished, the Japanese had come to stay.
They developed the island industrially;
they built up a solid infrastructure and brought in vastly needed health
reforms.
日本在1895年收納台灣後便積極建設其成為殖民地之楷模以對西方世界炫耀。
到了十年之後的1905﹐ 台灣已成日本最具價值的殖民地。
在清朝統治期間﹐ 無論什麼改善方案﹐ 要嘛不是給的太少﹐不然就是來得太慢﹐
而且每回好不容易來了個願意改革的省長﹐諸事都還尚未順遂起步﹐ 就又奉召離臺。
日本人可是不一樣﹐他們要的是長治久安。
他們要讓台灣工業化﹐成立了健全的內部系統﹐並開始從事非常必要的衛生改革。
When the Meiji Emperor died, Japan had moved into its Taisho period
(1912—1926) and the sickly Crown Prince Yoshihito ascended the throne.
The emperor’s health prevented active involvement making this a time of
greater parliamentary development and democratic ideals.
Progressive educational reform, experiments in socialism,
and a wide range of liberal ideas became frequent topics of discussion
at the universities and schools.
明治天皇死後﹐由健康不佳的皇太子嘉仁即位﹐日本進入大正天皇時代(1912-1926)。
天皇的身體不好無法全權視事﹐導致此時期在國會發展與民主理想方面的大盛。
在各大學及各級學校內﹐常在進行學術改革﹐社會主義式的實驗﹐
涉及各層面的廣大自由理想更常成為討論的話題。
By 1915 armed opposition in the colony of Taiwan had ceased and
the people began to see that they had a better chance by working within
the “harsh but fair” system of the Japanese.
Taiwan’s more gifted youth now had a chance to receive advanced education
in Japanese universities.
There they were exposed to the free discussion of new and varied ideas that
ranged from Marxism to a return to the samurai spirit to democracy.
到了1915年左右﹐台灣殖民地內的武裝對抗已經絕跡﹐
而日式系統“雖然嚴厲卻也公平”﹐人民開始覺悟到不如與之合作以改善生活。
台灣資優青少年現在得以到日本大學接受高等教育。
在那裡他們得以自由討論廣泛的話題﹐ 從馬克思理論﹐到回歸武士道精神﹐
到民主主義﹐ 什麼都可以。
The Taisho period of democracy was known for its tolerance of diversity.
The number of future leaders of Taiwan and even of China that were
exposed to such discussions in Japan are impressive.
Taiwan’s first two 1996 presidential contenders
(Peng Ming-min and Lee Teng-hui) cut their teeth respectively in
pre and post World War II Japan. Peng in his Taste of Freedom makes
special mention of how he found himself treated more as an equal in Japan
than in the colony of Taiwan.
大正時期的民主以對異議的容忍而著名。
不少台灣或甚至中國的未來領袖﹐ 都曾浸淫於如此活潑的討論環境。
台灣在1996總統大選的前兩位候選人﹐ 彭明敏及李登輝﹐
就分別受教與二次大戰前後的日本。
彭在他自由的滋味一書中還特別提及他在日本所享受到的平等待遇
甚且遠過於在殖民地的台灣。
By 1921, a lot was happening in Taiwan also.
The special powers granted to the colonial administrators were taken back
and Taiwan fell under the rule of the Diet.
The people of Taiwan immediately petitioned for the right to participate
in democracy and elect their own representatives to that Diet.
台灣到了1921已發生了不少事。殖民地總督所享有的特權已被撤消而由國會接管。
台灣人民立即陳情以期參與民主政治並選舉他們自己的國會代表。
The magazine Taiwanese Youth promoting Taiwanese consciousness and
awareness would be published in Japan. While officially banned in Taiwan,
it and the ideas discussed at the universities were filtering back to
the colony. In 1925 the people witnessed that universal suffrage
was granted to all males in Japan, to commoners as well as to the wealthy
and property owners. This raised the question, why not here in Taiwan.
以促進台灣意識與自覺的台灣青年雜誌就是在日本發行的。
雖然在台灣被禁﹐ 這本雜誌以及在大學裡被大家談論的觀點﹐仍然輾轉傳回台灣。
1925年人們親眼目睹到﹐ 無論貴賤﹐全日本的男子都被授予參政權。
這也讓台灣人開始要問﹐ 何以台灣不能﹖
Don’t be mistaken, Japan’s attitude toward Taiwan was that of
colonial masters. The Japanese like the British, French,
and other colonial powers saw a threat in too much colonial participation.
Taiwan’s representation in the Diet did not come easy.
Petitions were repeatedly rejected (over 15 times);
some petitioners were briefly jailed as troublemakers
and others were harassed. The courts and laws, however,
protected them and those jailed were soon set free.
At the same time, the newly formed Taiwan Cultural Association (1921)
would offer programs throughout Taiwan educating the people on culture
and rights.
我們當然不能錯認﹐ 日本在當時還是以一副殖民主子的心態對待台灣。
日本人﹐就如英法及其它殖民強權國家一樣﹐ 把殖民地過度的參與政治視為威脅。
台灣好不容易才終於得以派出國會代表。 人民的請願不斷的被駁回﹐
次數甚至超過15次﹐請願者有的受人騷擾﹐ 有的還被當成搗蛋分子﹐
遭了短期牢獄之災。然而法庭與法律仍然有對他們加以保護﹐
即使被關坐監也很快被放出來。
當時(1921) 初創的台灣文化協會也在全島到處教導人民各種有關文化及人權之事。
Democracy in Japan would not survive the economic troubles
and military power struggles of the 1930’s.
The samurai militarists would gain control and Japan would enter
and lose World War II. The roots of democracy, however,
had gone deep enough so that after the war it was possible for Japan
to quickly reestablish a functioning democracy again in less than ten years.
This time the power of the Emperor as well as that of the militarists
would be removed from the equation.
日本的民主在1930年代因面臨經濟困難與軍隊爭權而瓦解。
軍國主義當道﹐ 日本發動二次大戰之後戰敗。
然而民主立基已深﹐戰敗後不到十年內﹐
日本就能很快的重新建立一個功能具備的民主體系。
這一回﹐ 天皇及軍隊都被剔除在權力範圍之外。
For the Taiwanese the fruit of their efforts came too late.
Finally in 1945 prior to the end of World War II,
the people achieved representation in the Diet.
No sooner would they gain but they would lose.
After the war, Taiwan would be put under the KMT
the rulers of the Republic of China. It was back to square one,
except that these “rescuing” invaders would
prove to be far more brutal than the Japanese.
Taiwan would have to struggle again.
可惜對台灣人而言﹐ 他們努力的結果來得太遲。
遲至1945年二次大戰結束前﹐他們才終於可以派代表去國會。
好不容易爭取來的權利轉眼又煙消雲散。
二次大戰後﹐ 台灣遭受中華民國國民黨的管轄。一切又得從頭開始﹐
只不過這一回﹐ 這些自稱來“解救”的入侵者可比日本人殘暴多了。
台灣只能再從頭奮鬥起。
Some have falsely tried to justify the KMT’s stranglehold of martial law
(until 1987) by saying that the Taiwanese were not ready for democracy.
The opposite could not be truer. Taiwan was more than ready for democracy
in 1945; it was the oppressive, one party Leninist KMT that was not.
有人替國民黨施行到1987才結束的戒嚴令做不當的辯護說﹐
台灣人當時對參與民主政治還未有準備。
其實真相根本就與此說相反。
台灣早在1945就準備好進行民主政治了﹔
反而是壓制人民一黨專政列寧式的國民黨才根本沒有準備。
The KMT would use the excuse of 2-28 to systematically kill off
many of the Taiwanese intelligentsia who had been schooled
in hard knocks democracy under the Japanese.
Again like in Shanghai the KMT gained lists of names.
They carefully noted any leaders who came forth to express
the people’s grievances. Those involved were either killed or imprisoned
and tortured in the following period of white terror.
By the time the Kaohsiung Incident took place in 1979,
the people knew well that democracy always has a price.
國民黨以228為藉口﹐有系統的殺戮台灣受教於日本難能可貴民主制度的高級知識分子。
就如同其在上海所行﹐ 國民黨到處搜取名單。
任何代表人民前來投訴冤情的領袖都一一被記錄下來。
參與的人﹐ 不是被殺﹐就是被逮﹐ 或在後來的白色恐怖時期遭刑求折磨。
等到1979年高雄事件發生﹐人民早就明白若要民主就得付出代價。
One cannot deny that the KMT has made positive contributions to Taiwan
and one cannot tar all the KMT with the same brush.
Not all accepted the Leninist justification for their control
but their silence whether intentional or not gave it sanction.
The failure still of any admission and action as to how much of KMT party
assets really belong to the people of Taiwan is
an example of such continued silence.
So also is the continued silence on all who were singled out to be killed
or silenced in 2-28 and the white terror.
The ghosts of the past do not disappear simply because one is silent.
我們不能否認國民黨對台灣也有正面的貢獻﹐
更不應該一竿子打翻一船人﹐把所有國民黨員都視為一丘之貉。
黨為其所施控制所做的列寧式的辯解﹐並不能讓所有的黨員都能接受﹐
可是他們有意無意的沉默﹐反而都變成了在為國民黨背書。
就拿他們到現在還不肯承認並採取行動來解決還黨產於民一事來說吧﹐
這就是活生生的”繼續保持沉默“的一個好例子。
至於對在228及白色恐怖期間遭殺害或消音的受害者繼續保持沉默之事﹐ 就更不用談了。
已逝陰魂並不會因你的沉默而就消失不見的。
For many in the KMT, it is a bitter pill to swallow to have to admit that
they were not the ones that brought democracy to Taiwan.
It is a bitter pill for the Leninists among them to admit that
while giving lip service to democracy,
in practice for over 40 years they did the opposite and
would have to learn the meaning of democracy from the Taiwanese
who in turn had learned it from the Japanese.
就像難以嚥下的苦藥一樣,很多國民黨員無法接受他們並不是為台灣帶來民主的人。
尤其是其中的列寧派﹐在過去超過40年期間﹐
他們一向裝腔作勢光在嘴上講民主,骨子裡卻根本是另一套相反的作法﹐
現在不得不向台灣人來學習民主真諦﹐
而台灣人居然是從日本人那裡學來這一套的﹐
要這些傢伙承認這一點﹐ 簡直是要他們的老命。
There are many in the KMT and spin-off People’s First Party (PFP) and
New Party (NP) who will go to their graves choking on this pill.
This is evident by the fact that these parties have yet
to offer concrete positive programs and
demonstrate a consciousness of the people of Taiwan.
They continue to see things only in terms of one party rule,
winner take all and complain about the loss of their mainland "entitlement",
doubly lost because of what had happened to them in 1949 on the mainland.
不少在國親新黨的人至死都對此無法瞑目,無法接受這個事實。
這也是為什么這些政黨到現在為止都還無法為台灣人民帶來任何具體健全的計劃﹐
更顯示不出什麼自覺的跡象。
他們始終只能由一黨專政的觀點來衡量事情﹐ 要嘛就要通吃﹐
不然就抱怨大陸人失去的既得利益﹐
如果把他們在1949年丟了大陸的事也一起算進來﹐等於是連輸了兩次。
Across the Strait the victorious other oppressive Leninist
one party government still rules.
The people there have no democratic experience or history
to draw on like in Taiwan. Sun Yat-sen’s brief republic of 1911
is still used in propaganda to justify the ruling power’s position and image.
The people suffer (albeit in ignorance) a lack of suffrage,
a free press and information and therefore free choice.
The People’s Republic of China is a regime that has no sympathy,
toleration or appreciation for Taiwan’s long road to democracy.
海峽對岸﹐ 當年贏的另一方﹐至今還在掌權﹐ 同樣也是個列寧式一黨專政的政府。
那邊的人民不像台灣有民主經驗或歷史可恃。
孫逸仙在1911所建立的短期共和國仍被政府拿來作為執政的樣板與圖騰。
人民(縱然無知)無參政權﹐ 沒有自由的新聞報導或資訊﹐
更無自由選擇的權利。
中華人民共和國政權對台灣追求民主的長路漫漫﹐ 絕對是一點也不同情更無從體會。
And as for Japan, well Taiwan owes it a lot more than Hello Kitty.
至於日本呢﹐ 台灣欠它的絕對不僅止於凱蒂貓而已。
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◆ From: 218.166.90.33
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61.222.134.121 11/23, , 1F
61.222.134.121 11/23, 1F
譯者STONE修改聲名：
第五段﹕
“。。。 台灣人什麼警告都有﹐
一覺醒來才發現自己就像個爹不疼娘不愛的拖油瓶﹐
已經跟著澎湖及遼東半島一起被丟出去以饗戰勝的日本人。。。”
應該是
“。。。台灣人什麼警告都沒有﹐
一覺醒來才發現自己就像個爹不疼娘不愛
的拖油瓶﹐已經跟著澎湖及遼東半島一起被丟出去以饗戰勝的日本人。。。”
※ 編輯: bluesimon 來自: 218.166.90.107 (11/26 10:32)