[國媒] 經濟學人：鹿茸角上的地雷馬
譯文可自由轉載 看經濟學人學英語 歡迎共襄盛舉
原址(經濟學人Mar 29th 2014)：
http://www.economist.com/news/asia/21599812-ambitions-ma-ying-jeou-taiwans-pres
ident-collide-popular-suspicion-china
縮址：
http://goo.gl/AxO25t
Title：On the *antlers of a *dilemma
鹿茸角上的地雷馬
*antlers：鹿茸角，不是鹿茸毛、更不是鹿耳毛
*dilemma：地雷馬，如同踩在地雷上的馬一般，陷入困境、進退兩難
*Banyan
*Banyan：榕園專欄，經濟學人的亞洲社評，著名文章如：馬梆伯，林書豪，廣大興。
經濟學人與時代、CNN等親美媒體不同，歐洲新聞業者愛好蒐集國際新聞，
容易見到亞洲、中南美與第三世界文章，甚至在撰文的立場也十分開放，
尤其在中東上，不會刻意偏袒以色列。
Mar 29th 2014 | From the print edition
2014年三月29日，文截自印刷版
「
The ambitions of Ma Ying-jeou, Taiwan’s president,
collide with popular suspicion of China
台灣國總統在中國政策上的野望辜負了人民的期待(更正：up0003提供)
」
Body：
§1
THE fresh-faced good looks have been lined and drawn by the cares of office.
His immaculate English is forsaken for the dignity of immaculate Mandarin.
Patient replies to questions come *wearily, as if said many times before.
Yet, six years into his presidency, Ma Ying-jeou’s hair remains as lush and
jet-black as any *Chinese Politburo member’s. And, speaking in the
presidential palace in Taipei, he remains as unwilling as any leader in Beijing
to admit to any fundamental flaws in strategy.
馬英九原本清秀的臉蛋刻畫著政務繁忙下日積月累的皺紋。
他選擇使用高貴時尚的中國話取代精確使用的英文！
面對接踵而來的提問，不厭其煩地回覆，仿佛老生常談般，苦口婆心。
六年前上任的馬光鮮亮麗，有著一頭的烏黑秀髮如同任何一位中共高幹。
卻傲慢如北京政府，不願承認任何乳酪般千瘡百孔的政策錯誤！
*cares of office：煩勞的公務
*wearily：懶洋洋、有氣無力
*Chinese Politburo：中國國家政治局
§2
Perhaps Mr Ma draws inspiration from his portrait of Sun Yat-sen, founder of
his ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), and, in 1912, of the Republic of China
to which Taiwan’s government still owes its name.
Sun is *revered as a nationalist hero not just by the KMT but, across the
Taiwan Strait, by the *Chinese Communist Party too.
Mr Ma may also hope to be *feted on both sides of the strait—in his case as a
leader responsible for a historic *rapprochement.
For now, however, reconciliation between Taiwan and China remains distant.
And Mr Ma, once the KMT’s most popular politician, is taunted by opponents as
the “9% president”, a reference to his approval ratings in *opinion polls
last autumn.
或許馬得到了KMT掌門人孫大砲的神喻*&^%$。台灣政府至今依然承認ROC。
孫，是位被國際所承認，不折不扣的偉人；即使在對岸，也是如此。
也許，馬也想要兩邊討好，共創兩岸和平未來、流名千屎。
可惜至今
，兩岸共識上仍有代溝。
馬英九，是昔日的政府明星，是今日的馬英9.2%，得名於去年秋季的民調。
*revered：(被)尊敬
*Chinese Communist Party：中國共產黨
*feted：(被)慶祝。(法語字)fête，參見流動的盛宴
*rapprochement：修睦
*taunted：(被)愚弄
*opinion polls：民調
§3
Improving relations with China has been the central theme of his administration
, after the tensions of eight years of rule by the Democratic Progressive Party
(DPP), which leans towards declaring *formal independence from the mainland.
Mr Ma can boast of 21 agreements signed with China.
He reels off the numbers of two fast-integrating economies:
a tenfold increase in six years in mainland tourists to Taiwan, to 2.85m in
2013; cross-strait flights from none at all to 118 every day;
two-way trade, including with Hong Kong, up to $160 billion a year.
兩岸的關係是兩國的政策核心；尤其歷經DPP八年遺毒洗禮後，自祖國正式獨立的輪廓更加
鮮明。
馬方聲稱已向中國簽署了21項協議。
他們迅速地達成以下成就：
2013年2百85萬人次的陸客、每日118班兩岸航次、包含香港每年1千6百億的商貿關係。
*formal independence：正式獨立
§4
China’s strategy to reabsorb Taiwan is *plain.
As the island’s economy becomes more intertwined with that of the vast
mainland, China thinks, resistance to unification will *wane.
Then Taiwan becomes an “*autonomous” part of China—like Hong Kong, though
allowed its own army.
Taiwan will return to the motherland without resort to the missiles and
increasingly powerful armed forces ranged against it.
But as Mr Ma sees it, cross-strait “rapprochement” is a first line of
defence against Chinese aggression, since “a unilateral move by the mainland
to change the *status quo by non-peaceful means would come at a *dear price”.
Politics in Taiwan is framed as a debate about independence or *unification but
is really about preserving the status quo.
中國併吞台灣的策略，司馬昭之心天下皆知也。
中方認為，當兩岸商貿關係盤根錯結時，統一大業不遠矣！
這麼一來，台灣將成為中國的一個自治區，如香港一般，可是允許擁有軍隊。
在中國的美夢下，不靠軍武與導彈恫嚇，台灣仍有機會回歸祖國。
馬認為，對抗侵略的最佳回應是友善面對，因「中國單方的非和平改變現況之手段——玉
石俱焚。」
即使台灣政治統獨爭議上爭議不休，不爭的事實是台灣仍穩穩地框定於「維持現況」。
*plain：易懂
*wane：降低
*autonomous part：自治區(up0003提供)
*status quo：現況
*dear price：昂貴
*unification：統一
§5
The next step in rapprochement with China would be a meeting between political leaders.
In February in Nanjing, once the capital of a KMT government of all China, ministers from China
and Taiwan held their first formal meeting since 1949.
Mr Ma hoped to meet China’s president, Xi Jinping, in Beijing this November, at the Asia-Pacific
Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit.
To accommodate Hong Kong and Taiwan, APEC’s members are not “countries” but “*economies”.
So Mr Xi and Mr Ma could meet as “economic leaders”, *sidestepping the tricky protocol that
usually dogs relations, with China viewing Taiwan as a mere province.
The Chinese *demurred.
But Mr Ma thinks a meeting somewhere is “not outside the realm of
possibility”.
要和平，就要對話、而且是雙邊領導人的對話。
二月的南京，也就是KMT政府的首府，台海兩岸官員曾於1949年首度舉行會晤。
馬希望會見中國國家主席習近平於今年11月，地點是亞太經濟合作會議APEC。
此會議為了容納港、台這兩區？給成員的頭銜是「經濟體」而不是國家。
因此，馬習會順勢地由經濟首長會之會銜閃避了這不愫之緣；
確實，中國觀點下，台灣不過是個省。
總之，說了那麼多，中國還是反對這場會晤。
馬政府(江宜樺)對會晤於第三地的回應是「目前不排除。」
(up0003指正，歡迎提供新聞、中文原句)
(大陸海協會長陳德銘表示馬習會在第三地「挺好的」，第三地不僅限於港、澳。)
*economies：經濟體
*sidestepping：迴避
*demurred：異議、抗辯、反對
§6
This backdrop explains why a protest movement against a services-trade agreement with the
mainland is more than *a little local difficulty for Mr Ma.
Students occupying parliament have *resorted to undemocratic means, and many of the
arguments they and the DPP make about the trade agreement are specious.
But they have tapped a vein of popular mistrust of Mr Ma and of economic integration with the
mainland.
A split persists between native Taiwanese, on the island for generations, and mainlanders, like Mr
Ma, whose families came over as the KMT lost the civil war in the 1940s.
Protesters portray Mr Ma as either a mainland *stooge or as *clueless and *out of touch.
In the occupied parliament, student *caricatures give him antlers, a reference to a slip he once
made when he appeared to suggest that the deer-antlers used in Chinese medicine were in fact
hair from the animal’s ears.
這一幕解釋了為什麼抗議者反對服貿、對抗大陸，但在馬眼中，僅不過是地方的小插曲。
學生們占據了國會議事堂，抗議民主淪陷；或他們或DDP，質疑著服貿的正當性。
與陸方的經濟整合之總總已經碰觸到民眾對馬不信任的敏感神經。
這兩方的僵持源自於台灣本土派與1940年代來台的KMT外省派。
抗議者把馬描述成大陸來的跳樑小丑、無藥可救或社會脫結者。
被占據的國會裡，學生為馬作畫並為其掛上了鹿茸角——該梗來自於馬公開失言，誤植該
中藥為鹿耳內的毛。
*a little local difficulty：一個具地方性的小難題
*resorted：訴諸
*stooge：喜劇配角
*clueless：愚笨的
*out of touch：失去聯絡
*caricatures：諷刺畫
§7
Mr Ma says public opinion supports a “Ma-Xi” *summit.
Joseph Wu of the DPP, however, claims such a meeting would actually damage the
KMT in the next presidential election, due in 2016; rather, he says, Mr Ma is
trying to leave a personal *legacy.
The DPP’s lead in the polls alarms not just the Chinese government but also
America, which could do without another *flare-up in a dangerous region.
The stronger China grows, the more Taiwan’s security depends on commitments
from America.
It switched diplomatic recognition to Beijing in 1979, but Congress then passed
a law obliging it to help Taiwan defend itself.
馬公開支持了馬習峰會，招來各方的批評與提議。
吳釗燮，曾任陸委會主委的民進黨員，表態如此的行動將葬送KMT的2016總統大選，
他直言，馬正試圖為自己留下個歷史地位。
DPP領先的民調報告警示了中國與美國政府，不該輕忽此事件，否則將引發區域危機。
(up0003指正)
台灣的處境上對台美互信關係的依賴日益提升，與中國的拙起習習相關。
這份互信關係來自於1979年的台灣關係法，美國國會賜與協防台灣之重責大任。
(補充：台灣關係法承認Taiwan Authorities台灣統治當局，但不承認中華民國，
該法至今仍生效；中美共同防禦條約則間接承認中華民國，該法於1980年1月1日廢止；
國民教育課本迫於政治壓力並未強調其差異與事實)
*summit：高峰會談
*legacy：遺產
*flare-up：引爆
§8
All political lives end…
Mr Ma says relations with America are better than they have ever been at least
since 1979 and perhaps before. Others are doubtful.
In all the talk of America’s “pivot” to Asia, its promises to Taiwan are
rarely mentioned.
Many in Taiwan paid attention when John Mearsheimer, an American academic,
suggested in the *National Interest, a policy journal, that there is “a
reasonable chance American policymakers will eventually conclude that it makes
good strategic sense to abandon Taiwan and to allow China
to *coerce it into accepting unification.”
For some, abandonment is a fact of life and unification a matter of time.
“No one is on our side strategically, diplomatically, politically; we have to
count on China’s goodwill,” an academic in Taipei argues.
馬：「目前台美關係是自1979年以來最穩定的。」引來了大眾的反彈！
過去，美國「中樞」針對亞洲的發言中，對的台灣承諾並不是常客。
美國現實主義派大師——芝加哥大學教授John Mearsheimer於名為國家利益的政策期刊中
痛下結論，在美國的理性先決下，被迫放棄台灣並默許中國統一將可能成為合理選項。
這樣的聲音慢慢地浮現，某些情況下，我們虧欠了一個放棄，統一是遲早的事。
「策略、外交、政治上，我們是孤獨的；接受祖國的汕液吧(微笑)。」台北的學術上的一
則說法。
*National Interest：國家利益，期刊名，刊載一篇作者為John Mearsheimer的「跟台灣
說再見」，對美國牽制力量持悲觀看法
*coerce：強迫
§9
Mr Ma has tried to steer what seems a sensible middle course between such defeatism and the
adventurism of those in the DPP who would like to confront and challenge China.
But he sounds weary with the effort, and Taiwan’s people seem weary of him.
Their pragmatism and the DPP’s *internecine *strife may yet see them elect another KMT
president in 2016.
But if Mr Ma hoped to leave office with cross-strait relations stabilised, and with his own role as
an historic peacemaker recognised on both sides and around the world, he seems likely to be
disappointed.
馬已經試著駛出一條折衷的路徑，折衷於失敗主義與來自DPP不畏中國的冒險主義。
雖然馬盡力地用虛弱的聲音表達自己的努力，人民卻早對他嗤之以鼻。
在政府的功利與民進黨的內耗下，目前仍沒人能保證，2016年的KMT是否還有執政機會。
但如果馬祈望卸任後在兩岸與世界歷史中留下和平的芳名。這，馬恐怕要失望了。
*middle course：中庸之道、折衷辦法
*pragmatism：實用主義、功利主義
*internecine：兩敗俱傷
*strife：爭吵、衝突
--
※ 發信站: 批踢踢實業坊(ptt.cc), 來自: 1.200.44.206
※ 文章網址: http://www.ptt.cc/bbs/FuMouDiscuss/M.1396033783.A.538.html
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哈~多看原文 原文文筆很好
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 03:16)
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感謝
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※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 03:38)
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我猜原作是故意的 他可能學過中文
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他早已經夠紅了
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以上感謝 根本是吧
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 04:25)
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這真的要找原來的新聞 中翻英再翻中後就失真了 裡面的翻譯很多是查維基的
他比一般的鄉民還懂台灣的新聞和歷史
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 04:27)
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你抓到了 長知識
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 04:39)
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謝謝囉 但我找不到新聞連結 不確定馬說的中文是??? 目前只找到江和陳德銘的回應
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 04:43)
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這點我沒辦法苟同 我的文風帶著我個人的風格 除非有目的文章 我不想修正個人風格
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 04:54)
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我被fresh-faced誤導了 文中的用法不是指新奇 那段有翻錯
也少了很多可講的聳動字句
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我知道了 但那不是標題
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 05:46)
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不會 歡迎指教
※ 編輯: lolololst 來自: 1.200.44.206 (03/29 06:44)
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